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Podcast and Briefing
This podcast and briefing analyzes the complex historical relationship between the United States and Iran, tracing the origins of current tensions back to the 1953 CIA-orchestrated coup. It highlights how secret foreign policies, or "blowback," have consistently led to unintended long-term consequences, often leaving the American public unaware of true causes.
Key themes include the enduring impact of the 1953 coup and 1979 Iranian Revolution, the US's cynical support for various regimes and proxy groups (including Saddam Hussein and elements of what became Al-Qaeda), the persistent influence of the Israel lobby on US foreign policy, and the strategic blunders and deceptions that have characterized American engagement in the Middle East, leading to instability, the rise of extremist groups, and a significant diversion from US national interests.
The Genesis of Conflict: 1953 Coup and its Blowback
The 1953 Coup: The current conflict between the US and Iran finds its roots in the 1953 CIA-orchestrated coup against Iran's democratically elected Prime Minister, Mohammad Mosaddegh. Mosaddegh's primary "motive was Moedc's insistence that Iran get a bigger slice of its own oil money." The US, in collaboration with the UK, then "reinstall[ed] the sha reszo palavi who was the monarch and the son of the previous dictator."
The Concept of "Blowback": This intervention is cited as the origin of the term "blowback" within the CIA, defined as "the long-term consequences of secret foreign policies so when they come due the American public at large is unaware of the true causes and are then left open to misleading interpretations."
Undermining the Shah's Rule: Despite US support, Nixon and Ford pressured the Shah to increase unaffordable weapons purchases, further undermining his rule in a "very poor country." Jimmy Carter's public praise of the Shah's "stability of your country is a testament to your people's love for your rule over them," just months before the 1979 revolution, exemplifies the disconnect from the reality on the ground.
The Iranian Revolution and its Aftermath (1979-1980s)
1979 Revolution as Blowback: The Iranian Revolution in 1979 is presented as a direct example of blowback. The popular perception of Iranians hating the US simply because "I remember them burning our flag" ignores the 26 years of US-backed dictatorial rule under the Shah.
US Miscalculation on Khomeini: The CIA and State Department initially believed they "can work with him [Khomeini]" due to his past agitation against Mosaddegh. William Sullivan, the US ambassador, even "compared him to Mahatma Gandhi," a profound misjudgment.
Hostage Crisis Triggered by Rockefeller's Intervention: The US government attempted to work with Khomeini's new government for months. However, the hostage crisis in November 1979 was triggered by David Rockefeller's intervention, persuading President Carter to allow the Shah into the US for cancer treatment. This was interpreted by Iranians as a signal that "America was going to nurse the Shaw back to health and then reinstall him in power in a counterrevolution."
The Carter Doctrine and Afghanistan: In response to the hostage crisis and the failed "Operation Eagle Claw," Carter announced the Carter Doctrine in 1980, declaring the Persian Gulf an "American lake." Simultaneously, in July 1979, the US began supporting the Mujahideen in Afghanistan at Zbigniew Brzezinski's insistence, aiming to "give the Soviets their own Vietnam." Brzezinski later admitted the "Soviet threat to Iran" was largely fabricated to justify US dominance.
The Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988): A US-Sanctioned Bloodbath
US Greenlight to Saddam: The Carter Doctrine implicitly, and later explicitly under Reagan, gave Saddam Hussein the "green light to invade Iran in the spring of 1980." Prince Fahd of Saudi Arabia later confirmed he "gave the green light to Jimmy Carter on behalf to Saddam Hussein on behalf of Jimmy Carter to invade Iran."
Saddam's Motive: Saddam feared that Iran's fundamentalist Shiite revolution would incite Iraq's Shiite supermajority to overthrow his Sunni secular regime. He "conscripted all those Shiites and sent them to war instead."
War as a Consolidator for Khomeini: The brutal war, compared to "World War I kind of like what you're seeing in Ukraine now," inadvertently "helped solidify support for the Ayatollah's rule which was actually quite shaky at that time."
US Complicity in Chemical Warfare: The US "paid for German chemical weapons for Saddam Hussein. He used not just mustard gas but including sarin and tab and nerve gas that they used to target Iranians in the field." The US also provided satellite intelligence, making it "possible for Saddam to use chemical weapons against the Iranians." This is particularly significant given that "chemical weapons were a big part of the justification for invading Iraq in 2003."
The Rise of Al-Qaeda and US Foreign Policy Contradictions
Birth of Al-Qaeda: The US support for the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, including "Arab Afghan army: the international Islamist brigades," directly contributed to "the birth of what became al Qaeda." Figures like Osama bin Laden, Abdullah Azzam, and Ayman al-Zawahiri emerged from this context.
Shifting US Alliances: Post-Cold War, the US continued to support these "bin Laden types and fundamentalist is Muslims against the Soviet Union," even when the Soviet Union was gone. This included supporting them in "Bosnia then in Kosovo and then on to Chechnya," inadvertently strengthening groups that would later target the US.
Al-Qaeda's Grievances and Strategy: Osama bin Laden's core grievances were "the bases in Saudi Arabia to bomb and blockade Iraq," "support for the Israelis in Palestine and in southern Lebanon," and "support for the dictators of the region." His strategy was to "bait us into invading Afghanistan" and other costly wars to "bleed them to bankruptcy over 10 years the same way we did the Soviet Union." His son Omar bin Laden stated, "when Bush was elected my father was so happy this is the kind of president he needs one who will attack and spend money and break the country."
Failed FBI Interventions: The FBI's "terrible job on all these domestic terrorism cases in the 1990s," often due to incompetence or attempts to "cover up what a bad job they'd done last time," led to failures in preventing attacks like the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. In the case of Zacharias Moussaoui, FBI headquarters denied a FISA warrant request, despite evidence, because "we like the terrorists in Chechnya they're not terrorists they're freedom fighters because they're fighting Putin."
The Neoconservative Influence and the Iraq War (2003)
Defining Neoconservatism: Neoconservatives are defined as former "leftists who moved to the right," largely Trotskyites who became Cold War Democrats and later Reaganites. They became the "vanguard of the war party" in the US, often seen as "the cross between the Israel lobby and the military-industrial complex."
The "Clean Break" Doctrine (1996): Authored by David Wurmser for Benjamin Netanyahu, this document proposed a "clean break from Oslo and a two-state solution for the Palestinians." It argued that Israel should assert dominance through "peace through strength," by first focusing on "getting rid of Saddam Hussein in Iraq," an illogical step to combat Hezbollah (backed by Iran through Syria). The belief was that a new Iraqi regime would sever ties with Iran and control Hezbollah.
Deception and the 2003 Iraq War: The neoconservatives, through figures like David Wurmser, Richard Perle, and Douglas Feith, created a "separate government" within the Bush administration, focused on "laundering lies from the exiles to come up with the weapons of mass destruction narrative." This included fabricating "lies about Saddam's ties to al Qaeda."
War for Israeli Oil Interests: The 2003 Iraq War was partly driven by the desire to reopen an oil pipeline from northern Iraq to "the port of Hifa in Israel," a significant benefit to Israel. Gary Vogler, the "American viceroy over Iraqi oil during that war," confirmed this, stating, "this is what really happened and what that war was really about." The idea was that a new, US-controlled Iraqi government would allow this, compensating for Iran cutting off a previous secret oil supply to Israel.
"Own Goal" in Iraq: The US invasion inadvertently empowered "the supermajority Shiite side for their strategic rivals in the region Iran." The Bush administration, following the Reaganite legacy, "picked up exactly where his father had left off when he betrayed the Shiite uprising in 1991," eventually installing Iraqi Shiite factions closely tied to Iran into power, an "own goal."
Post-Iraq War Instability and the "Redirection"
The "Redirection" (2005-2006): Realizing their blunder in empowering Shiites and Iran, neoconservatives like Elliott Abrams and Zalmay Khalilzad initiated a "redirection" under W. Bush. This policy aimed to "tilt back toward the Sunni kings," which effectively meant "start backing Osama bin Laden and the suicide bomber head chopper enemies of the United States of America."
Support for Extremist Groups: This included supporting Fatah al-Islam in Lebanon (a Bin Laden group), the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria, and even groups like Jandala in southeastern Iran, described as "horrible bin Laden suicide bomber head chopper maniacs."
Obama's Continuation of Policy: Barack Obama largely continued these policies. While he did target Al-Qaeda, he "takes Osama's side in Libya," providing air cover for groups like the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (al-Qaeda in Libya). This intervention was partly driven by "Israel's list of countries they wanted overthrown" (confirmed by Gen. Wesley Clark).
Syrian "Dirty War": The US then funneled arms from Libya to Syria, leading to a "dirty war in Syria" which was "never a revolt...a foreign invasion by American Turkish Israeli Saudi and Qatar-backed al Qaeda mercenary terrorists." The goal was to remove Assad, who was seen as a "keystone in the arc of Iranian power."
Benghazi and Arming Jihadists: The Benghazi tragedy (2012) highlights the core issue: US personnel were there "moving Gaddafi's arms stockpile to al-Qaeda linked groups absolutely in Syria."
Rise of ISIS: The Obama administration's support for "bin Laden in Syria led to the rise of the Islamic State" (ISIS). Obama initially dismissed ISIS as the "junior varsity team," before they consolidated control over eastern Syria and later sacked major Iraqi cities like Mosul.
US Fighting its Own Creation: The US then found itself fighting ISIS alongside "the Iraqi Shiites...all their Iranian backed Shiite militias," a bizarre situation where "American airplanes flying air cover for the Iranian goods force on the ground."
Continued Support for Al-Qaeda in Syria: Even after ISIS was contained, the US, alongside Turkey and Israel, has effectively protected Al-Qaeda elements (like Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, formerly Nusra Front, led by Golani) in Idlib province. This is justified by claims that "Israel hates the Shiites more" and these groups "never given Israel a problem directly," despite their attacks on the US. This policy is particularly egregious given that it leads to the "massacring" of ancient Christian communities in Syria and Iraq.
Iran's Nuclear Program and "The Trump Doctrine"
"Axis of Evil" Lie: George W. Bush's "axis of evil" designation for Iran, Iraq, and North Korea was a "preposterous lie," given their mutual antagonisms.
Iran's Nuclear Strategy: Unlike Saddam (who exposed his lack of WMDs) or Gaddafi (who traded a non-existent program for normalization), Iran adopted a transparent approach under the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and IAEA safeguards. They developed a "latent nuclear deterrent," making them a "threshold state" like Brazil or Japan, capable of enriching uranium but not pursuing a weapon.
The JCPOA as a Deterrent to War: The 2015 Iran Nuclear Deal (JCPOA) was primarily created to "keep Netanyahu from starting a war with Iran and dragging us in." The deal significantly rolled back Iran's program and established a one-year "breakout period" for bomb production.
Trump's Withdrawal and "Call of the Bluff": Trump withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018 at Netanyahu's behest. Iran, in response, began enriching uranium up to 60% (still below weapons-grade), as allowed under the deal's provisions for US non-compliance, to "put pressure on the Americans to get back into the deal."
Direct Israeli/US Military Action: The recent Israeli bombing campaign (under Trump's permission) on Iranian nuclear facilities (Natanz, Fordo, Isfahan) represents a "call[ing of] the Ayatollah bluff." Despite the theoretical threat of Iranian missile retaliation, Iran's response was "purely symbolic," signaling a desire to avoid direct confrontation with the US superpower. This suggests Iran, despite bluster, "doesn't dare pick a fight with Donald Trump."
Conclusion: A Cycle of Folly and the Path Forward
Endless Wars and Misdirection: The document concludes that US foreign policy in the Middle East has been a "wasteland of like deception and shifting alliances and broken promises and shattered dreams," utterly "divorced from America's national interest." The focus on regime change and intervention, often driven by external influences, has destabilized regions, empowered extremists, and incurred immense costs in American lives and resources.
The "Vietnam Syndrome" and "Defend the Guard": The public's weariness with "large scale land invasions" (the "Vietnam syndrome") and movements like "Defend the Guard" (seeking to limit National Guard deployment for foreign combat) reflect a growing desire for retrenchment.
America First and Retrenchment: The argument is made that "you can't have a limited republic and a world empire." A true "America First" policy would involve prioritizing domestic issues, ending global hegemony, and fostering peaceful relations with powers like Russia, China, and Iran. The potential for a "century of prosperity" exists if the US abandons its interventionist tendencies.
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